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Date: Feb 18, 2018 6:19 AM
Subject: The founding fathers and mothers - Yehudit Katsover
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From: <womeningreen@womeningreen.org>
Date: Feb 18, 2018 6:19 AM
Subject: The founding fathers and mothers - Yehudit Katsover
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2018
The Founding fathers and mothers of the settlement movement
On the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the liberation of
Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, Golan Heights and the Sinai, the weekly
Yesha Shelanu newsletter publishes interviews with the founders of the
settlement movement; the pioneers who, immediately after the Six Day
war, renewed Jewish life in Israel's Biblical Heartland. This week
they published the story of our very own Yehudit Katsover.
The story of Yehudit Katsover
Yehudit Katsover, resident of Kiryat Arba-Hevron, is married to Zvi
Katsover, mother of 5 children and grandmother.
She is co-chair of the Women in Green movement and is the founder of
the Sovereignty Movement together with Nadia Matar. Yehudit and Nadia
have been leading in recent years the practical discourse for Israeli
sovereignty over Judea, Samaria and the Jordan Valley.
1. A Bit of Background
"I was born in April 1947 in Transylvania (once Hungarian, but now
under Romanian sovereignty) it was something like living in "the
territories". My parents were Satmar Hasidim, but also Zionists, who
belonged to Poalei Agudat Israel. There was an abiding longing for the
Land of Israel in their home. They were steadfastly and expectantly
waiting for the approval of the authorities to immigrate to the Land
of Israel. My mother is a survivor of Auschwitz and my father studied
at Rebbe Yoel Teitelbaum's Satmar yeshiva.
My parents married after the Holocaust. It was not for love, at first,
but in order to rebuild the Jewish People. They brought three children
into the world. In post-war Europe, this was a large family. We made
aliya to the Land of Israel when I was 12 years old, arriving in the
month of Nissan. The first thing that made a great impression on me in
Haifa was the light. It was a clear, bright, pure light, which exists
nowhere else in the world. We were sent to Dimona by the Jewish Agency
– but my parents, with their 70 kilos of belongings - settled down in
B'nei B'rak, for religious reasons. (I would eventually go to Dimona
later).
I grew up and went to school in Kfar Eliahu, near Gedera. In 1966,
with a teacher's certificate in hand, I went south to Dimona, where I
met my husband Tzvi. We married and were both deeply engaged in
education and other activities. We passed the Six Day War in school
shelters with all of the children and their parents. The liberation of
Jerusalem moved us to the core, caused us to be so proud; the song,
Jerusalem of Gold, echoed everywhere, was heard from every building.
2. The Move to Kiryat Arba-Hevron
Benny, Zvi's brother, married in Hevron. He and his wife Bina were
living in the Administration Building, where we used to visit them.
One of these times, during a tour of the area, Benny told Zvi, "This
is where Kiryat Arba will be". And Zvi, without consulting me, gave
him a promise: "if there is going to be a city here, we are coming".
Kiryat Arba was established in August 1971, and anyone who knows Zvi
knows that he keeps his promises. I fought the decision vigorously. It
was good for us in Dimona. What more did we need besides our social
and educational activity and community in the Negev? But Zvi claimed,
and rightly so, that "many people will come to Dimona. Fewer will come
to Hevron. The challenge now is to settle the liberated areas". It was
not easy. Looking back years later, I was fortunate that Zvi won this
argument.
We arrived in Kiryat Arba on the first day it was possible to move in.
It was Rosh Hashanah eve, 1971. There was no doctor, no telephones, no
sidewalks, in the winter there was mud all over, there was no
transportation. Luckily, Rav Levinger, ztz"l, who was the head of the
residents' committee, tried to help me cope during this difficult
period. I began to work as a cultural coordinator together with him.
The rabbi's personal example, his ethical behavior, his family's
frugality, Rav Levinger's total dedication, the many discussions and
endless arguments, finally broke through the wall of alienation. I
began to participate in the noble struggles to develop Kiryat Arba, to
expand the hours for Jews to be allowed to pray in the Cave of the
Patriarchs; entering Beit Hadassah and staying there for months,
together with 13 other women and our children, under the leadership of
Rabbanit Miriam Levinger, all that was the perfect melting pot.
I learned much from the Rav, and in everything I do I try to act in
accordance with three principles that he taught us: initiate –
determine facts on the ground; carry out public relations activities
in favor of the action; lobby in Knesset and bolster the government.
3. The Beit Hadassah Story Could Provide Material for a Hollywood Film.
Info: The historic Bet Hadassa complex in Hebron was built in 1893
with funds from Jewish communities around the world. Later the
Hadassah Organization turned it into a medical clinic which granted
free medical care to both Jewish and Arab residents. In 1929 the
hospital was the site of some of the worst rioting by Arabs who
murdered 67 Jewish residents of Hebron. The clinic was looted and
burnt. The liberation of Hebron in 1967 enabled the Jews to return the
Jewish presence to Bet Hadassa.
Construction in Kiryat Arba was frozen. Nothing new was being built.
People gathered for a meeting at Rav Levinger's house. How can we
break though the building freeze?
The idea of entering the Beit Hadassah building in Hebron came from
artist Baruch Nahshon, whose wife Sarah and their ten children were
among those who participated. Zambish (Ze'ev Hever) and Dompa (Aharon
Domb) were responsible for the planning and logistics of the operation
to enter Beit Hadassah. Late one night, in 1979, 13 mothers and 45
children with minimal equipment got into a truck. The idea was that
Prime Minister Begin, Polish gentleman as he was, would not evict the
women and children who had entered without the husbands. We entered
the bet Hadassa building on Thursday, before dawn. If we could manage
to remain Thursday, Friday and Shabbat, we hoped that this would
constitute a "chazaka". We arrived by truck to the back of Beit
Hadassah. A ladder was raised. We climbed the ladder one by one. We
passed the fence and found ourselves in the courtyard of Beit
Hadassah. In front of Beit Hadassah there always were Israeli soldiers
on guard duty because of a previous attempt to enter. We had to keep
totally silent so that we would not draw the soldiers' attention. One
of the open miracles was that no child uttered even a peep and none
cried during this time.
We entered the lower floor or the building. It was totally dark. Our
footsteps raised clouds of dust that had lain undisturbed over the
years. We settled down for a short nap. The morning sun was rising
and the soldiers were surprised by the women and children in the
building. We began to survey the building and try to organize a daily
routine.
The Division Commander – Fuad Ben Eliezer – came and decided that no
one else could enter Beit Hadassah, and a list of names was made.
Whoever was already there could stay. But if someone left they could
not return. We received supplies from Kiryat Arba. They brought
essential supplies and passed them through the windows. They brought
water in jerry cans, set up 2 chemical toilets, we bathed sparingly, a
cup of water was enough for a decent bath; we started a school on
site, the wonderful women of Kiryat Arba who visited, took laundry and
returned clean clothes and diapers. Everything was passed through the
windows, for we could not go out and they could not enter the
building.
On the first Shabbat eve it was a bit sad, but this feeling quickly
dissipated. When prayers to welcome the Shabbat were over at the Cave
of the Patriarchs, the entire community came to Beit Hadassah and
broke out in powerful song that echoed into the distance. Even today,
when I remember this event, I am overcome with emotion and my entire
body trembles. This singing on Erev Shabbat, while we were inside and
they were outside, continued for the entire period of close to a full
year of our stay in Beit Hadassah.
Rav Levinger's activism resulted in many visits by politicians;
journalists came to see what was happening. There were difficulties,
the severe hygienic conditions left their mark. There was a constant
battle with lice, and then with hepatitis. Shoshana Peretz' pregnancy
was progressing and there were concerns that if she left to give
birth, they would not allow her to return. Our friends on the outside
saw an item on our daily supermarket list, a request to bring a
"havilat leida" (childbirth kit). By mistake, they read "havilat
glida" (a package of ice cream) and indeed, brought us some delicious
ice cream. Ultimately, Shoshana did leave to give birth and afterward
was allowed to return with her newborn baby girl, so a new name,
Hadassah, (of course) was added to the list of the commune's
residents.
On Shabbat eve, the 16th of Iyar, May 2nd, 1980, Arab terrorists
ambushed the worshipers leaving the Cave of the Patriarchs. Six
yeshiva students were killed and sixteen were wounded – and this was
the impetus for the Jewish return to permanent residency in the Old
City of Hevron .
A step forward in Hevron and a step backward in Yamit. From Bet
Hadassah I went straight to Yamit. I lived in the Iksim neighborhood
in Yamit with other families that had come from Kiryat Arba. The
struggle in Yamit was like this:
On one hand we had faith that there would be no expulsion. But we
hunkered down anyway.
The expulsion from Yamit was difficult physically, but especially
emotionally. We returned home to Kiryat Arba broken and exhausted. It
was difficult to talk to people who had not been expelled. Only people
who had been expelled understood each other. Routine life seemed
strange. How was it possible to continue after this terrible rift?
Those who came from Yamit felt like Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai when he
emerged from the cave. Something had broken deep within the
nationalist camp, our innocent faith that there was a straight line to
the redemption.
4- Deputy Council Head and the Struggles to develop Kiryat Arba-Hevron
We are consoled by taking action and keeping active. Thank G-d as
deputy council head of Kiryat Arba we expanded the Avraham Avinu
neighborhood, and Beit Romano.
Later the Ulpana was established under the urging of Rabbi Rafi
Kuperstock and they began planning a yeshiva high school, which was
established when my husband Zvi was appointed as council head. I tried
to be a help to him, mainly in the battles over security as a member
of the Action Committee.
One of the most significant roles that I have had the privilege of
fulfilling was to lead the absorption of Russian immigrants in 1990.
As a teacher in the Ulpan, I experienced daily the realization of the
vision of the revival of the "dry bones".
After some years, together with Rav Moshe Bleicher shlit"a and Zvi as
council head, we established the (women's) College for Teachers, a
branch of Efrata College. We began with 17 students, but by the time I
ended my term as principal of the college after 20 years, there were
200 students, filled with a spirit of mission and dedication to the
next generation.
The Expulsion from Gush Katif and Following the Expulsion
During the Expulsion from Gush Katif we were in Gadid, where I met
Nadia Matar, of Women in Green, who was with her family in Kfar-Yam.
The naiveté of Yamit transformed into a resolute decision – no more
evictions and expulsions! Immediately following the expulsion, we
worked together with Rav Levinger, zt"l, until the expulsion from Beit
HaShalom.
After Beit HaShalom, Nadia and I focused on activism to keep the land
holdings in the area of Gush Etzion from being taken over by Arabs.
Netzer
The first activity was to open the Za'tara bypass road. Next, we began
activities in the Netzer hills, between Elazar and Alon Shvut. We
noticed that the Arabs, supported amply with funds from anti-Israel
organizations from Europe and the U.S., were illegally planting in the
state lands of Area C, with the obvious objective of taking over the
area.
Together with dozens of Women in Green members and residents of Gush
Etzion, we began to plant trees according to the map, on land that was
not considered to be privately owned by Arabs. The Arabs uprooted the
trees that we planted. We planted again and again. The Civil
Administration "did not like" (to say the least) our work. We sent a
signed letter to Shaul Goldstein, council head at that time, saying
that we had no claims on the land, on the trees, or on the fruit of
the trees that we had planted. Everything was for the good of the
country, with the goal of preventing illegal Arab takeover of these
lands.
We succeeded to plant many acres of land. After years of Sisyphean
activity in the field, we were successful. The land was declared to be
state land and is now under the jurisdiction of the council.
Shdema
While we were still active in Netzer, Hagai Huberman telephoned us in
2008, saying "Go up to Shdema before the Palestinian Authority takes
over the camp". Shdema, an abandoned IDF military camp, located
strategically between Har Homa in Southern Jerusalem and Tekoa in Gush
Etzion and controlling the new eastward road, is located on a hill in
Area C that is surrounded by Areas A and B. There was a danger that we
might lose the site. If the Arabs took over that hill, G-d forbid, it
would mean that the Jewish territorial contiguity between Jerusalem
and Gush Etzion would be cut off from the east. The Arabs were
claiming that they wanted to establish a hospital there. They used the
"humane" argument even though they could set up hospitals anywhere
they want in areas A and B. Clearly their intention was not the
hospital but rather the take-over of this strategic hill in area C.
We went up – the Arabs had already ruined and looted everything,
destroyed all that was at the camp, so that only 3 buildings remained.
We decided that there would be continuous activity there, in order to
save the site from illegal Arab takeover. We established the Committee
for a Jewish Shdema" with Women in Green members and activists from
East Gush Etzion and Har Homa. Simultaneously, we established the
Lobby for a Jewish Shdema in the Knesset. After a struggle of several
years, in which we came every week to Shdema with dozens and sometimes
hundreds of activists, supported by the participation of the Gush
Etzion Council under Shaul Goldstein, we succeeded to restore a Jewish
presence to the site. The IDF returned and turned the site into a
military camp once again.
We used this same pattern of action with the Adorayim Camp in South
Hevron Hills, where the council, led by Tzviki Bar-Hai, then
established an emergency center. Also in the battle for Givat Ha'Eitam
near Efrat, which constitutes the land reserves for the city's
development, after two years of intensive activity, the council, led
by Oded Ravivi, took over the project and established a farm at the
site.
We saw that each battle for every hill took us years and a tremendous
amount of resources but did not solve the underlying problem for the
Land of Israel. We, the Jews living in Judea and Samaria, in the eyes
of the authorities, are considered the invaders, in their eyes we are
here temporarily. And while it is true that we have managed to redeem
a few hills, at the same time, the Arabs, funded by millions of
dollars from abroad, are taking over hundreds of other hills, and at
this rate we will lose all the state lands and Jewish communities will
become isolated islands within a sea of Arabs, Heaven forbid. And the
worst part is that the Land of Israel is always on the bargaining
table. We understood that we had to take care of the problem at its
root.
Setting out on a Campaign for the Application of Sovereignty
–Conferences, a Journal, Parlor meetings, Vigils
We decided to demand the application of Israeli sovereignty over Judea
and Samaria. So that the Israeli Knesset and government would declare
once and for all that this Land is ours, to cut off the Arab hopes for
a state in the heart of our Land, that it should resolve this matter
as it did with Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Uri Elitzur, z"l, MK
Geula Cohen, Caroline Glick, Rav Beni Elon, z"l and Dr. Martin Sherman
all expressed this idea before we did, speaking and writing on the
subject. We turned it into a full fledge campaign, that would
constantly focus on the subject of sovereignty and we have been, and
still are, acting continuously to instill awareness of the subject.
The first Forum for Sovereignty met in Geula Cohen's home back in
2011, with the participation of Caroline Glick, Dr. Moti Kedar, Eran
Bar Tal, Rabbanit Melamed, Rav Itai Elitzur, Shimon Cohen and Yoram
Ettinger. Today there is an expanded committee for Sovereignty – its
members include Sam Solomon, Avraham Shvut, Shosh Shilo, Renee
Margolis, Ruthi Lieberman, Lior Shurka, Uri Bank, Ruthi Ben Haim,
Tanah Lehavi, Dr. Aviah Shoham, Col. (Res.) Moshe Peled and Yoav
Tuvia.
In 2011, we started out with the first Sovereignty Conference in
Hevron. Approximately 250 people participated and there were
courageous speakers, among who was MK Tzipi Hotovely, who is still
actively involved in promoting the application of Israeli sovereignty.
We were all perceived as totally delusional. Even in our own camp.
After a year had passed, we organized the second conference in Hevron,
but during the year we held parlor gatherings and many personal
discussions with public figures – the hall overflowed with people so
we set up a screen outside of the hall and a year afterward we
organized a third conference, this time in Jerusalem. We had planned
to hold the conference in the Bible Museum – a place that is symbolic
and very fitting for the topic of Sovereignty. But even during the
first stages of registration we understood that we would not be able
to hold all of those who registered. So we changed the location to a
hall in Bayit veGan that held about 800 people. At the time of the
conference, attended by ministers, MKs, academicians and public
figures, about 1000 people crowded into the hall and outside were
another few hundred who were unable to enter. This is when we began to
draw the attention of the media.
Nadia and I felt that we were not reaching enough people so we decided
to publish a journal, which is distributed in 200,000 (two hundred
thousand) copies in Hebrew and English. We also set up a Sovereignty
Internet site in Hebrew and in English www.ribonut.co.il. The strategy
was that we would begin to raise awareness among the people in our own
communities, and then expand the activity among the nationalist camp
all over the country. The concrete barriers on Route 60 served us as
bulletin boards. Sometimes we paid a fine but it "did the job".
We did not (nor do we now) have money for large and extended campaigns
because on the Right, people make contributions for buildings,
institutions, ambulances or Torah scrolls, which are all important
causes, but to raise money for public advocacy is much more difficult.
To many donors, donating to campaigns to change the public
consciousness seems as if he is giving money for no purpose because he
cannot see the result right away. But thank G-d some donors believed
in this campaign and enabled us to act. This is certainly a good
occasion to thank them.
Few believed that it would be possible to advance the cause of
sovereignty. We continued with conferences (the fourth one was in
February 2017, when more than 1200 people came and Arabs from Judea
and Samaria who wanted Israeli sovereignty also participated), parlor
gatherings, publishing a journal, we spent hours in the Knesset,
speaking with council heads and in vigils at the prime minister's
residence. We also started planning a master plan for Greater Israel
after we found out that in its 70 years of independence, and fifty
years since the liberation of Judea and Samaria, the State of Israel
has not produced any strategic master plan for the Greater Land of
Israel west of the Jordan.
The council heads in Judea and Samaria joined the efforts, the YESHA
(Judea , Samaria and Gaza) Council, Amana, Orit Struk and our friends
from the Likud Shevach Stern, Natan Englesman and Shai Merling have
done, and are still doing, outstanding work. Among other things, they
organized the assembly of the Likud Central Committee where 1500
members of the committee voted unanimously in favor of sovereignty in
the areas of Jewish settlement in Judea and Samaria.
The Land of Israel Lobby under the leadership of MK Yoav Kish and MK
Bezalel Smotrich promoted the application of Israeli law in Ma'ale
Adumim and just recently proposed a law consistent with the decision
of Likud Central.
Members of Knesset Yoav Kish, Bezalel Smotrich, Miki Zohar and Yehuda
Glick have prepared detailed plans for the application of sovereignty.
The great majority of ministers and Likud members support the
application of sovereignty and members of HaBayit HaYehudi all support
the application of sovereignty. Minister Bennett has contributed
considerably to the promotion of sovereignty with the Israel Stability
Initiative in April 2012.
Following the Six Day War, what began in the Left weakly, with the
publication of journal "A Conversation among Warriors", gained
strength after the Yom Kippur War with the establishment of the Peace
Now movement, under Uri Avneri, who began a "peace attack" in the
media, academia and the justice system. Within 20 years they had won
quite a bit of success influencing the discourse, the effect of which
was felt even in the prime minister's Bar Ilan speech. One of the open
miracles was that despite the intensive brainwashing, the people moved
to the right. The people understand that the concessions promoted by
the Left weakened us against the enemy by giving him the hope, a hope
that resulted in terror. The political system in the Right understands
the spirit of the people and responds to it.
The American administration under Trump is sympathetic to Israel. The
declaration that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel constitutes a key
to the application of sovereignty. The Sovereignty Movement, founded
by Women in Green, serves as a platform for all the different groups
and individuals who speak and act toward the application of
sovereignty. There is still a lot of work ahead. It took the Left 20
years to change the discourse. We, the Sovereignty Movement, continue
to work hard on all fronts and we hope that the plan to apply
sovereignty will be faster and will be legislated by the Knesset and
overcome all obstacles.
Establishing Oz veGaon
As we were engaged in the Sovereignty Campaign, the three youths,
Gil-Ad, Eyal and Naftali, Hy"d, were abducted in Gush Etzion by Arab
terrorists. Eighteen days later, on the 3rd of Tamuz, June 2014,
immediately after the bodies of the youths were found, we decided that
this event must not be glossed over quietly. We had to provide a
Zionist response.
Dozens of Women in Green members together with residents from Gush
Etzion, and with support from the Gush Etzion Council headed by Davidi
Perl, ascended the hill overlooking the junction and began preparing
the place as a significant Jewish holding on the road ascending from
Hevron to Jerusalem. This was our immediate Zionist response to the
vile murder.
Our activity at the preserve had the full support of the families of
Gil-ad Shaer, Eyal Yifrah and Naftali Frenkel and the place was named
after the youths – Oz veGaon (Gil-ad Eyal and Naftali).
Since that night when the activists went up to begin the work of
preparing the preserve, many groups of youths, young men and women
alike, have come to the site from throughout the Land, and even from
abroad, to participate in cleaning the place, weeding, paving,
painting, installing lighting, installing park equipment and taking
part in creative and cultural activities involving Jewish and Zionist
values.
The preserve has become a place that IDF soldiers and security people
view as a strategic point for the protection of Gush Etzion Junction.
Educational and hasbara activities are held at the place, as well as
training for groups and individuals on topics of heritage, Judaism,
history and Zionism. To date, tens of thousands of youths have taken
part in these activities.
The many youths that visit the preserve participate in agricultural
workshops, strengthening their bonds to the soil, they study ecology,
art and culture along with lessons in self-defense taught by Elyashiv
Kimhi and Tsuri Botush.
There are also facilities for Jewish studies at the preserve. On
Tuesdays there is a Beit Midrash for women, called Havruta, at Oz
veGaon, where dozens of women enjoy lessons in the Prophets and
Writings, given by leading rabbis and excellent lecturers, and in the
evenings, the Beit Midrash opens its doors to men for lessons led by
Rav Mor Bergman.
To commemorate the completion of three years since the establishment
of Oz veGaon, the Zionist Avenue was dedicated, where ideological
quotes from Zionist leaders from the past 120 years are posted. There
is also an interactive seating area where there is information and
poems about milestones in Zionist history.
In this same ideological public spirit, the Sovereignty movement
founded by Women in Green holds conferences and lectures at the
preserve on matters dealing with the application of Israeli
sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. Leading shapers of public opinion,
MKs, ministers, rabbis and many public figures from Israel and abroad
have taken part in these events
I would like to thank my friend Nadia and the Almighty, for the
privilege to work together in such wonderful harmony.
I know that the way is long
But I will walk until my strength fails…
(Poem by Yehoram Taharlev)
=============================================
Women For Israel's Tomorrow (Women in Green)
POB 7352, Jerusalem 91072, Israel
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